Service on the Home Front by Louis Hirshman and William Tasker.
|Date||1941 - 1945|
The United States home front during World War II, supported the war effort in many ways, including a wide range of volunteer efforts and submitting to government-managed rationing and price controls. Everyone agreed that the sacrifices were for the national good "for the duration." The labor market changed radically. Peacetime conflicts with respect to race and labor took on a special dimension because of the pressure for national unity. The Hollywood film industry was important for propaganda. Every aspect of life from politics to personal savings changed when put on a wartime footing. This was achieved by tens of millions of workers moving from low to high productivity jobs in industrial centers. Millions of students, retirees, housewives, and unemployed moved into the active labor force. Hours worked increased as leisure activities declined sharply. Most families were allocated only 3 US gallons (11 l; 2.5 imp gal) of gasoline a week, which sharply curtailed driving for any purpose. Production of most durable goods, like cars, new housing, vacuum cleaners, and kitchen appliances, was banned until the war ended. Meat, clothing, and gasoline were tightly rationed. In industrial areas housing was in short supply as people doubled up and lived in cramped quarters. Prices and wages were controlled. Americans saved a high portion of their incomes, which led to renewed growth after the war.
Controls and TaxesEdit
Federal tax policy was highly contentious during the war, with President Franklin D. Roosevelt battling a conservative Congress. However, both sides agreed on the need for high taxes (along with heavy borrowing) to pay for the war: top marginal tax rates ranged from 81%-94% for the duration of the war, and the income level subject to the highest rate was lowered from $5,000,000 to $200,000. Roosevelt tried unsuccessfully, by executive order 9250, to impose a 100% surtax on after-tax incomes over $25,000 (equal to roughly $340,721 today). However Roosevelt did manage to impose this cap on executive pay in corporations with government contracts. Congress also enlarged the tax base by lowering the minimum income to pay taxes, and by reducing personal exemptions and deductions. By 1944 nearly every employed person was paying federal income taxes (compared to 10% in 1940).
Many controls were put on the economy. The most important were price controls, imposed on most products and monitored by the Office of Price Administration. Wages were also controlled. Corporations dealt with numerous agencies, especially the War Production Board (WPB), and the War and Navy departments, which had the purchasing power and priorities that largely reshaped and expanded industrial production.
In 1942 a rationing system was begun to guarantee minimum amounts of necessities to everyone (especially poor people) and prevent inflation. Tires were the first item to be rationed in January 1942 because supplies of natural rubber were interrupted. Gasoline rationing proved an even better way to allocate scarce rubber. In June 1942 the Combined Food Board was set up to coordinate the worldwide supply of food to the Allies, with special attention to flows from the U.S. and Canada to Britain. By 1943 one needed government issued ration coupons to purchase coffee, sugar, meat, cheese, butter, lard, margarine, canned foods, dried fruits, jam, gasoline, bicycles, fuel oil, clothing, silk or nylon stockings, shoes, and many other items. Some items—like automobiles and home appliances were no longer made. The rationing system did not apply to used goods (like clothes or cars), but they became more expensive since they were not subject to price controls.
To get a classification and a book of rationing stamps, one had to appear before a local rationing board. Each person in a household received a ration book, including babies and children. When purchasing gasoline, a driver had to present a gas card along with a ration book and cash. Ration stamps were valid only for a set period to forestall hoarding. All forms of automobile racing were banned, including the Indianapolis 500 which was cancelled from 1942 to 1945, for the duration of the war. Sightseeing driving was banned, as well.
Personal income was at an all-time high, and more dollars were chasing fewer goods to purchase. This was a recipe for economic disaster that was largely avoided because Americans—cajoled daily by their government to do so—were also saving money at an all-time high rate, mostly in War Bonds but also in private savings accounts and insurance policies. Consumer saving was strongly encouraged through investment in war bonds that would mature after the war. Most workers had an automatic payroll deduction; children collected savings stamps until they had enough to buy a bond. Bond rallies were held throughout the U.S. with famous celebrities, usually Hollywood film stars, to enhance the bond advertising effectiveness. Several stars were responsible for personal appearance tours that netted multiple millions of dollars in bond pledges—an astonishing amount in 1943. The public paid ¾ of the face value of a war bond, and received the full face value back after a set number of years. This shifted their consumption from the war to postwar, and allowed over 40% of GDP to go to military spending, with moderate inflation. Americans were challenged to put “at least 10% of every paycheck into Bonds“. Compliance was very high, with entire factories of workers earning a special “Minuteman” flag to fly over their plant if all workers belonged to the “Ten Percent Club”. There were seven major War Loan drives, all of which exceeded their goals.
The unemployment problem ended with the mobilization for war. Out of a labor force of 54 million, unemployment fell in half from 7.7 million in spring 1940 (when the first accurate statistics were compiled) to 3.4 million in fall 1941 and fell in half again to 1.5 million in fall 1942, hitting an all-time low of 700,000 in fall 1944. There was a growing labor shortage in war centers, with sound trucks going street by street begging for people to apply for war jobs.
Greater wartime production created millions of new jobs, while the draft reduced the number of young men available for civilian jobs. So great was the demand for labor that millions of retired people, housewives, and students entered the labor force, lured by patriotism and wages. The shortage of grocery clerks caused retailers to convert from service at the counter to self-service. With new shorter women clerks replacing taller men, some stores lowered shelves to 5 feet 8 inches (1.73 m). Before the war most groceries, dry cleaners, drugstores, and department stores offered home delivery service. The labor shortage and gasoline and tire rationing caused most retailers to stop delivery. They found that requiring customers to buy their products in person increased sales.
Women also joined the workforce to replace men who had joined the forces, though in fewer numbers. Roosevelt stated that the efforts of civilians at home to support the war through personal sacrifice was as critical to winning the war as the efforts of the soldiers themselves. “Rosie the Riveter” became the symbol of women laboring in manufacturing. The war effort brought about significant changes in the role of women in society as a whole. When the male breadwinner returned, wives could stop working. At the end of the war, most of the munitions-making jobs ended. Many factories were closed; others retooled for civilian production. In some jobs women were replaced by returning veterans who did not lose seniority because they were in service. However the number of women at work in 1946 was 87% of the number in 1944, leaving 13% who lost or quit their jobs.
The table shows the development of the United States labor force by gender during the war years.
|Year||Total labor force (*1000)||of which Male (*1000)||of which Female (*1000)||Female share of total (%)|
Labor shortages were felt in agriculture, even though most farmers were given an exemption and few were drafted. Large numbers volunteered or moved to cities for factory jobs. At the same time many agricultural commodities were in greater demand by the military and for the civilian populations of Allies. Production was encouraged and prices and markets were under tight federal control. Civilians were encouraged to create "victory gardens", farms that were often started in backyards and lots. Children were encouraged to help with these farms, too.
The Bracero Program, a bi-national labor agreement between Mexico and the U.S. started in 1942. Some 290,000 braceros (“strong arms,” in Spanish) were recruited and contracted to work in the agriculture fields. Half went to Texas, and 20% to the Pacific Northwest.
Between 1942 and 1946 some 425,000 Italian and German prisoners of war were used as farm laborers, loggers, and cannery workers. In Michigan, for example, the POWs accounted for more than one-third of the state’s agricultural production and food processing in 1944.
To help with the need for a larger source of food, the nation looked to school-aged children to help on farms. Schools often had a victory garden in vacant parking lots and on roofs. Children would help on these farms to help with the war effort. The slogan, "Grow your own, can your own", also influenced children to help at home.
With the war’s ever increasing need for able bodied men consuming America’s labor force in the early 1940s, industry turned to teen-aged boys and girls to fill in as replacements. Consequently, many states had to change their child-labor laws to allow these teenagers to work. The lures of patriotism, adulthood, and money led many youth to drop out of school and take a defense job. Between 1940 and 1944, the number of teenage workers increased by 1.9 million, and the number of students in public high schools dropped from 6.6 million in 1940 to 5.6 million in 1944, as a million students—and many teachers—took jobs.
The war mobilization changed the relationship of the Congress of Industrial Organizations (CIO) with both employers and the national government. Both the CIO and the larger American Federation of Labor (AFL) grew rapidly in the war years.
Nearly all the unions that belonged to the CIO were fully supportive of both the war effort and of the Roosevelt administration. However the United Mine Workers, who had taken an isolationist stand in the years leading up to the war and had opposed Roosevelt's reelection in 1940, left the CIO in 1942. The major unions supported a wartime no-strike pledge that aimed to eliminate not only major strikes for new contracts, but also the innumerable small strikes called by shop stewards and local union leadership to protest particular grievances. In return for labor's no-strike pledge, the government offered arbitration to determine the wages and other terms of new contracts. Those procedures produced modest wage increases during the first few years of the war but not enough to keep up with inflation, particularly when combined with the slowness of the arbitration machinery.
Even though the complaints from union members about the no-strike pledge became louder and more bitter, the CIO did not abandon it. The Mine Workers, by contrast, who did not belong to either the AFL or the CIO for much of the war, threatened numerous strikes including a successful twelve-day strike in 1943. The strikes and threats made mine leader John L. Lewis a much hated man and led to legislation hostile to unions.
All the major unions grew stronger during the war. The government put pressure on employers to recognize unions to avoid the sort of turbulent struggles over union recognition of the 1930s, while unions were generally able to obtain maintenance of membership clauses, a form of union security, through arbitration and negotiation. Employers gave workers new untaxed benefits (such as vacation time, pensions, and health insurance), which increased real incomes even when wage rates were frozen. The wage differential between higher skilled and less skilled workers narrowed, and with the enormous increase in overtime for blue collar wage workers (at time and a half pay), incomes in working class households shot up, while the salaried middle class lost ground.
The experience of bargaining on a national basis, while restraining local unions from striking, also tended to accelerate the trend toward bureaucracy within the larger CIO unions. Some, such as the Steelworkers, had always been centralized organizations in which authority for major decisions resided at the top. The UAW, by contrast, had always been a more grassroots organization, but it also started to try to rein in its maverick local leadership during these years. The CIO also had to confront deep racial divides in its own membership, particularly in the UAW plants in Detroit where white workers sometimes struck to protest the promotion of black workers to production jobs, but also in shipyards in Alabama, mass transit in Philadelphia, and steel plants in Baltimore. The CIO leadership, particularly those in further left unions such as the Packinghouse Workers, the UAW, the NMU, and the Transport Workers, undertook serious efforts to suppress hate strikes, to educate their membership, and to support the Roosevelt Administration's tentative efforts to remedy racial discrimination in war industries through the Fair Employment Practices Commission. Those unions contrasted their relatively bold attack on the problem with the timidity and racism of the AFL.
The CIO unions were progressive in dealing with gender discrimination in wartime industry, which now employed many more women workers in nontraditional jobs. Unions that had represented large numbers of women workers before the war, such as the UE (electrical workers) and the Food and Tobacco Workers, had fairly good records of fighting discrimination against women. Most union leaders saw women as temporary wartime replacements for the men in the armed forces. It was important that the wages of these women be kept high so that the veterans would get high wages.
Civilian support for war effortEdit
Early in the war, it became apparent that German U-boats were using the backlighting of coastal cities in the Eastern Seaboard and the South to destroy ships exiting harbors. It became the first duties of civilians recruited for local civilian defense to ensure that lights were either off or thick curtains drawn over all windows at night.
State Guards were reformed for internal security duties to replace the National Guardsmen who were federalized and sent overseas. The Civil Air Patrol was established, which enrolled civilian spotters in air reconnaissance, search-and-rescue, and transport. Its Coast Guard counterpart, the Coast Guard Auxiliary, used civilian boats and crews in similar rescue roles. Towers were built in coastal and border towns, and spotters were trained to recognize enemy aircraft. Blackouts were practiced in every city, even those far from the coast. All exterior lighting had to be extinguished, and black-out curtains placed over windows. The main purpose was to remind people that there was a war on and to provide activities that would engage the civil spirit of millions of people not otherwise involved in the war effort. In large part, this effort was successful, sometimes almost to a fault, such as the Plains states where many dedicated aircraft spotters took up their posts night after night watching the skies in an area of the country that no enemy aircraft of that time could possibly hope to reach.
The United Service Organizations (USO) was founded in 1941 in response to a request from President Franklin D. Roosevelt to provide morale and recreation services to uniformed military personnel. The USO brought together six civilian agencies: the Salvation Army, Young Men's Christian Association, Young Women's Christian Association, National Catholic Community Service, National Travelers Aid Association, and the National Jewish Welfare Board.
Women volunteered to work for the Red Cross, the USO and other agencies. Other women previously employed only in the home, or in traditionally female work, took jobs in factories that directly supported the war effort, or filled jobs vacated by men who had entered military service. Enrollment in high schools and colleges plunged as many high school and college students dropped out to take war jobs.
Various items, previously discarded, were saved after use for what was called “recycling” years later. Families were requested to save fat drippings from cooking for use in soap making. Neighborhood “scrap drives” collected scrap copper and brass for use in artillery shells. Milkweed was harvested by children ostensibly for lifejackets.
In 1940, Congress passed the first peace-time draft legislation. It was renewed (by one vote) in summer 1941. It involved questions as to who should control the draft, the size of the army, and the need for deferments. The system worked through local draft boards comprising community leaders who were given quotas and then decided how to fill them. There was very little draft resistance.
The nation went from a surplus manpower pool with high unemployment and relief in 1940 to a severe manpower shortage by 1943. Industry realized that the Army urgently desired production of essential war materials and foodstuffs more than soldiers. (Large numbers of soldiers were not used until the invasion of Europe in summer 1944.) In 1940–43 the Army often transferred soldiers to civilian status in the Enlisted Reserve Corps in order to increase production. Those transferred would return to work in essential industry, although they could be called back to active duty if the Army needed them. Others were discharged if their civilian work was deemed essential. There were instances of mass releases of men to increase production in various industries. Working men who had been classified 4F or otherwise ineligible for the draft took second jobs.
In the figure below an overview of the development of the United States labor force, the armed forces and unemployment during the war years.
|Year||Total labor force (*1000)||Armed forces (*1000)||Unemployed (*1000)||Unemployment rate (%)|
One contentious issue involved the drafting of fathers, which was avoided as much as possible. The drafting of 18-year olds was desired by the military but vetoed by public opinion. Racial minorities were drafted at the same rate as Whites, and were paid the same, but blacks were kept in all-black units. The experience of World War I regarding men needed by industry was particularly unsatisfactory—too many skilled mechanics and engineers became privates (there is a possibly apocryphal story of a banker assigned as a baker due to a clerical error, noted by historian Lee Kennett in his book "G.I.") Farmers demanded and were generally given occupational deferments (many volunteered anyway, but those who stayed at home lost postwar veteran's benefits.)
Later in the war, in light of the tremendous amount of manpower that would be necessary for the invasion of France in 1944, many earlier deferment categories became draft eligible.
The churches showed much less pacifism than in 1914. The Church of God, based in Anderson, Indiana, had a strong pacifist element, reaching a high point in the late 1930s. The Church regarded World War II as a just war because America was attacked. Likewise the Quakers generally regarded World War II as a just war and about 90% served, although there were some conscientious objectors. The Mennonites and Brethren continued their pacifism, but the federal government was much less hostile than in the previous war. These churches helped their young men to both become conscientious objectors and to provide valuable service to the nation. Goshen College set up a training program for unpaid Civilian Public Service jobs. Although the young women pacifists were not liable to the draft, they volunteered for unpaid Civilian Public Service jobs to demonstrate their patriotism; many worked in mental hospitals. The Jehovah Witness denomination, however, refused to participate in any forms of service, and thousands of its young men refused to register and went to prison.
Civilian support for the war was widespread, with isolated cases of draft resistance. The F.B.I. was already tracking elements that were suspected of loyalty to Germany, Japan, or Italy, and many were arrested in the weeks after the attack on Pearl Harbor. 7,000 German and Italian aliens (who were not U.S. citizens) were moved back from the West Coast, along with some 100,000 of Japanese descent. Some enemy aliens were held without trial during the entire war. The U.S. citizens accused of supporting Germany were given public trials, and often were freed.
There was large-scale migration to industrial centers, especially on the West Coast. Millions of wives followed their husbands to military camps; for many families, especially from farms, the moves were permanent. One 1944 survey of migrants in Portland, Oregon and San Diego found that three quarters wanted to stay after the war. Many new military training bases were established or enlarged, especially in the South. Large numbers of African Americans left the cotton fields and headed for the cities. Housing was increasingly difficult to find in industrial centers, as there was no new non-military construction. Commuting by car was limited by gasoline rationing. People car pooled or took public transportation, which was seriously overcrowded. Trains were heavily booked, with uniformed military personnel taking priority, so people limited vacation and long-distance travel.
The large-scale movement of blacks from the rural South to defense centers in the North (and some in the South) led to small-scale local confrontations over jobs and housing shortages. Washington feared a major race war. The cities were relatively peaceful; much-feared large-scale race riots did not happen, but there was small-scale violence, as in the 1943 race riot in Detroit and the anti-Mexican Zoot Suit Riots in Los Angeles in 1943.
Role of womenEdit
Standlee (2010) argues that during the war the traditional gender division of labor changed somewhat, as the “home” or domestic female sphere expanded to include the "home front". Meanwhile the public sphere—the male domain—was redefined as the international stage of military action.
Women took on an active role in World War II and took on many paid jobs in temporary new munitions factories and in old factories that had been converted from civilian products like automobiles when men usually filling these roles were off at war. This was the “Rosie the Riveter” phenomenon.
They also filled many traditionally female jobs that were created by the war boom—as waitresses, for example. They worked at jobs that previously had been held by men—such as bank teller or shoe salesperson. Nearly one million women worked as so called “government girls,” taking jobs in the federal government, mainly in Washington, DC, that had previously been held by men or were newly created to deal with the war effort.
In general, when they replaced men, they came with fewer skills. Industry retooled its machine jobs so that unskilled workers could handle them. (This opened many jobs for men who had been unemployed in the 1930s.) Some unions tried to maintain the same pay scale as men had because they expected men to resume their jobs after the war. In 1944, unemployment hit an all time low of 1.2%.
Nursing became a high prestige occupation for young women. A majority of female civilian nurses volunteered for the Army Nurse Corps or the Navy Nurse Corps. These automatically became officers. Teenaged girls enlisted in the Cadet Nurse Corps. To cope with the growing shortage on the homefront, thousands of retired nurses volunteered to help out in local hospitals.
Women staffed millions of jobs in community service roles, such as nursing, the USO, and the Red Cross. Unorganized women were encouraged to collect and turn in materials that were needed by the war effort. Women collected fats rendered during cooking, children formed balls of aluminum foil they peeled from chewing gum wrappers and also created rubber band balls, which they contributed to the war effort. Hundreds of thousands of men joined civil defense units to prepare for disasters, such as enemy bombing.
The Women Airforce Service Pilots (WASP) mobilized 1,000 civilian women to fly new warplanes from the factories to airfields located on the east coast of the U.S. This was historically significant because flying a warplane had always been a male role. No American women flew warplanes in combat.
Marriage and motherhood came back as prosperity empowered couples who had postponed marriage. The birth rate started shooting up in 1941, paused in 1944–45 as 12 million men were in uniform, then continued to soar until reaching a peak in the late 1950s. This was the “Baby Boom.”
In a New Deal-like move, the federal government set up the “EMIC” program that provided free prenatal and natal care for the wives of servicemen below the rank of sergeant.
Housing shortages, especially in the munitions centers, forced millions of couples to live with parents or in makeshift facilities. Little housing had been built in the Depression years, so the shortages grew steadily worse until about 1948, when a massive housing boom finally caught up with demand. (After 1944 much of the new housing was supported by the G.I. Bill.)
Federal law made it difficult to divorce absent servicemen, so the number of divorces peaked when they returned in 1946. In long-range terms, divorce rates changed little.
Juggling their roles as mothers due to the Baby Boom and the jobs they filled while the men were at war, women strained to complete all tasks set before them. The war caused cutbacks in automobile and bus service, and migration from farms and towns to munitions centers. Those housewives who worked found the dual role difficult to handle.
The worst psychological pressure came when sons, husbands, fathers, brothers, and fiancés were drafted and sent to faraway training camps, preparing for a war in which nobody knew how many would be killed. Millions of wives tried to relocate near their husbands' training camps.
Role of minoritiesEdit
The Fair Employment Practices Commission (FEPC) was a federal executive order requiring companies with government contracts not to discriminate on the basis of race or religion. It assisted African Americans in obtaining jobs in industry. Under pressure from A. Philip Randolph's growing March on Washington Movement, on June 25, 1941, President Roosevelt created the Fair Employment Practices Committee (FEPC) by signing Executive Order 8802. It said “there shall be no discrimination in the employment of workers in defense industries or government because of race, creed, color, or national origin”. In 1943 Roosevelt greatly strengthened FEPC with a new executive order, #9346. It required that all government contracts have a non-discrimination clause. FEPC was the most significant breakthrough ever for Blacks and women on the job front. During the war the federal government operated airfield, shipyards, supply centers, ammunition plants, and other facilities that employed millions. FEPC rules applied and guaranteed equality of employment rights. These facilities shut down when the war ended. In the private sector the FEPC was generally successful in enforcing non-discrimination in the North, it did not attempt to challenge segregation in the South, and in the border region its intervention led to hate strikes by angry white workers.
African American: Double V campaignEdit
The African American community in the United States resolved on a Double V Campaign: victory over fascism abroad, and victory over discrimination at home. Large numbers migrated from poor Southern farms to munitions centers. Racial tensions were high in overcrowded cities like Chicago; Detroit and Harlem experienced race riots in 1943. Black newspapers created the Double V Campaign to build black morale and head off radical action.
Most Black women had been farm laborers or domestics before the war. Despite discrimination and segregated facilities throughout the South, they escaped the cotton patch and took blue-collar jobs in the cities. Working with the federal Fair Employment Practices Committee, the NAACP, and CIO unions, these Black women fought a “Double V” campaign—against the Axis abroad and against restrictive hiring practices at home. Their efforts redefined citizenship, equating their patriotism with war work, and seeking equal employment opportunities, government entitlements, and better working conditions as conditions appropriate for full citizens. In the South black women worked in segregated jobs; in the West and most of the North they were integrated, but wildcat strikes erupted in Detroit, Baltimore, and Evansville, Indiana where white migrants from the South refused to work alongside black women.
In 1942 the War Department demanded that all enemy nationals be removed from war zones on the West Coast. The question became how to evacuate the estimated 120,000 people of Japanese citizenship living in California. Roosevelt looked at the secret evidence available to him: the Japanese in the Philippines had collaborated with the Japanese invasion troops; most of the adult Japanese in California had been strong supporters of Japan in the war against China. There was evidence of espionage compiled by code-breakers that decrypted messages to Japan from agents in North America and Hawaii before and after the attack on Pearl Harbor. These MAGIC cables were kept secret from all but those with the highest clearance, such as Roosevelt. On February 19, 1942, Roosevelt signed Executive Order 9066 which set up designated military areas “from which any or all persons may be excluded.” The most controversial part of the order included American born children and youth who had dual U.S. and Japanese citizenship. Germans and Italians were not interned, as shown from the Korematsu v. United States case.
In February 1943, when activating the 442nd Regimental Combat Team—a unit composed mostly of American-born American citizens of Japanese descent living in Hawaii—Roosevelt said, “No loyal citizen of the United States should be denied the democratic right to exercise the responsibilities of his citizenship, regardless of his ancestry. The principle on which this country was founded and by which it has always been governed is that Americanism is a matter of the mind and heart; Americanism is not, and never was, a matter of race or ancestry.” In 1944, the U.S. Supreme Court upheld the legality of the executive order in the Korematsu v. United States case. The executive order remained in force until December when Roosevelt released the Japanese internees, except for those who announced their intention to return to Japan.
Fascist Italy was an official enemy, and citizens of Italy were also forced away from “strategic” coastal areas in California. Altogether, 58,000 Italians were forced to relocate. They relocated on their own and were not put in camps. Known spokesmen for Benito Mussolini were arrested and held in prison. The restrictions were dropped in October 1942, and Italy switched sides in 1943 and became an American ally. In the east, however, the large Italian populations of the northeast, especially in munitions-producing centers such as Bridgeport and New Haven, faced no restrictions and contributed just as much to the war effort as other Americans.
Roosevelt easily won the bitterly contested 1940 election, but the Conservative coalition maintained a tight grip on Congress. Wendell Willkie, the defeated GOP candidate in 1940, became a roving ambassador for Roosevelt. After a series of squabbles with Vice President Henry A. Wallace, Roosevelt stripped him of his administrative responsibilities and dropped him from the 1944 ticket, choosing instead Senator Harry S. Truman. Truman was best known for investigating waste, fraud and inefficiency in civilian programs. In very light turnout in 1942 the Republicans made major gains. In the 1944 election, Roosevelt defeated Tom Dewey in a relatively close race that attracted little attention.
Propaganda and cultureEdit
Patriotism became the central theme of advertising throughout the war, as large scale campaigns were launched to sell war bonds, promote efficiency in factories, reduce ugly rumors, and maintain civilian morale. The war consolidated the advertising industry's role in American society, deflecting earlier criticism. All the media cooperated with the federal government in presenting the official view of the war. All movie scripts had to be pre-approved. For example there was widespread rumors in the Army to the effect that people on the homefront were slacking off. A Private SNAFU film cartoon (released to soldiers only) belied that rumor. Tin Pan Alley produced patriotic songs to rally the people.
Posters helped to mobilize the nation. Inexpensive, accessible, and ever-present, the poster was an ideal agent for making war aims the personal mission of every citizen. Government agencies, businesses, and private organizations issued an array of poster images linking the military front with the home front—calling upon every American to boost production at work and at home. Some resorted to extreme racial and ethnic caricatures of the enemy, sometimes as hopelessly bumbling cartoon characters, sometimes as evil, half-human creatures.
A strong aspect of American culture then as now was a fascination with celebrities, and the government used them in its eight war bond campaigns that called on people to save now (and redeem the bonds after the war, when houses, cars and appliances would again be available.) The War Bond drives helped finance the war. Americans were challenged to put at least 10% of every paycheck into bonds. Compliance was high, with entire work places earning a special “Minuteman” flag to fly over their plant if all workers belonged to the “Ten Percent Club”.
Hollywood studios also went all-out for the war effort, as studios encouraged their stars (such as Clark Gable and James Stewart) to enlist. Hollywood had military units that made training films – Ronald Reagan narrated many of them. Most of all Hollywood made hundreds of war movies that, in coordination with the Office of War Information (OWI), taught Americans what was happening and who the heroes and the villains were. Ninety million people went to the movies every week. Some of the most highly regarded films during this period included Casablanca, Mrs. Miniver, Going My Way, and Yankee Doodle Dandy. Even before active American involvement in the war, the popular Three Stooges comic trio were lampooning the Nazi German leadership, and Nazis in general, with a number of short subject films, starting with You Nazty Spy! in January 1940, nearly two years before the United States was drawn into World War II. Indeed, You Nazty Spy! was the very first Hollywood-produced work to ridicule Hitler and the Nazis.
Cartoons and short subjects were a major sign of the times, as Warner Brothers Studios and Disney Studios gave unprecedented aid to the war effort by creating cartoons that were both patriotic and humorous, and also contributed to remind movie-goers of wartime activities such as rationing and scrap drives, war bond purchases, and the creation of victory gardens. Warner shorts such as Daffy - The Commando, Draftee Daffy, Herr Meets Hare, and Russian Rhapsody are particularly remembered for their biting wit and unflinching mockery of the enemy (particularly Adolf Hitler, Hideki Tōjō, and Hermann Göring). Their cartoons of Private Snafu, produced for the military as “training films”, served to remind many military men of the importance of following proper procedure during wartime, for their own safety. Hanna Barbara also contributed to the war effort with slyly pro US short cartoon The Yankee Doodle Mouse with “Lt.” Jerry Mouse as the hero and Tom Cat as the “enemy”.
To heighten the suspense, Hollywood needed to feature attacks on American soil, and obtained inspirations for dramatic stories from the Philippines. Indeed, the Philippines became a “homefront” that showed the American way of life threatened by the Japanese enemy. Especially popular were the films Texas to Bataan (1942), Corregidor (1943), Bataan (1943), They Were Expendable (1945), and Back to Bataan (1945).
The OWI had to approve every film before they could be exported. To facilitate the process the OWI's Bureau of Motion Pictures (BMP) worked with producers, directors and writers before the shooting started to make sure that the themes reflected patriotic values. While Hollywood had been generally nonpolitical before the war, the liberals who controlled OWI encouraged the expression of New Deal liberalism, bearing in mind the huge domestic audience, as well as an international audience that was equally large.
The Office of Censorship published a code of conduct for newspapers, magazines, and broadcasters. The office did not use government censors to preapprove all articles and radio programs. It relied on voluntary cooperation to avoid subjects, such as troop movements, weather forecasts, and the travels of the President, that might aid the enemy. Journalists did not have to publish positive propaganda, unlike during World War I.
One way to enlist everyone in the war effort was scrap collection (called “recycling” decades later). Many everyday commodities were vital to the war effort, and drives were organized to recycle such products as rubber, tin, waste kitchen fats (a raw material for explosives), newspaper, lumber, steel, and many others. Popular phrases promoted by the government at the time were “Get into the scrap!” and “Get some cash for your trash” (a nominal sum was paid to the donor for many kinds of scrap items) and Thomas “Fats” Waller even wrote and recorded a song with the latter title. Such commodities as rubber and tin remained highly important as recycled materials until the end of the war, while others, such as steel, were critically needed at first. War propaganda played a prominent role in many of these drives. Nebraska had perhaps the most extensive and well-organized drives; it was mobilized by the Omaha World Herald newspaper.
- Military history of the United States during World War II
- Union (American Civil War)
- American Minority Groups in World War II
- American music during World War II
- Greatest Generation
- History of Texas#World War II
- Home front during World War II, for rest of world
- Japanese occupation of the Philippines
- United States home front during World War I
- Woman's Land Army of America
- US Government films:
- Schneider, Carl G and Schneider, Dorothy; World War II; p. 57 ISBN 1438108907
- Harold G. Vatter, The U.S. Economy in World War II (1988) pp 27-31
- David Kennedy, Freedom from Fear: The American People in Depression and War, 1929-1945 (2001) pp 615-68
- Frankin Roosevelt, Executive Order 9250 Establishing the Office of Economic Stabilization. http://www.presidency.ucsb.edu/ws/index.php?pid=16171#axzz1qK2AszpJ
- Carola Frydman and Raven Molloy, “Pay Cuts for the Boss: Executive Compensation in the 1940s,” Journal of Economic History 72 (March 2012), 225–51.
- Geoffrey Perrett, Days of sadness, years of triumph: the American people, 1939-1945: Volume 1 (1985) p. 300
- Harvey C Mansfield, A short history of OPA (Historical reports on War Administration) (1951)
- Paul A. C. Koistinen, Arsenal of World War II: The Political Economy of American Warfare, 1940-1945 (2004) pp 498-517
- Inflation existed because not all prices were controlled, and even when they were prices rose as “sales” disappeared, low-end items were less available, and quality deteriorated.
- James J. Kimble, Mobilizing the Home Front: War Bonds and Domestic Propaganda (2006)
- WPA workers were counted as unemployed. U.S. Bureau of the Census, Statistical Abstract: 1946 (1946) p 173
- Miller and Cornford
- Lee Kennett (1985). For the duration... : the United States goes to war, Pearl Harbor-1942. New York: Scribner. pp. 130–32. ISBN 0-684-18239-4.
- Bureau of the Census, Historical Statistics of the United States (1976) Chapter D, Labor, Series D 29-41
- Walter W. Wilcox, Farmer in the Second World War (1947)
- Kallen, Stuart A. (2000). The war at home. San Diego: Lucent Books. pp. 43–45. ISBN 1-56006-531-1.
- Otey M. Scruggs, ‘Texas and the Bracero Program, 1942-1947,’ Pacific Historical Review (1963) 32#3 pp. 251-264 in JSTOR
- Erasmo Gamboa, Mexican Labor & World War II: Braceros in the Pacific Northwest, 1942-1947 (2000)
- Duane Ernest Miller, ‘Barbed-Wire Farm Laborers: Michigan'S Prisoners of War Experience during World War II,’ Michigan History, Sept 1989, Vol. 73 Issue 5, pp 12-17
- Kallen, Stuart A. (2000). The war at home. San Diego: Lucent Books. ISBN 1560065311.
- "World War II: Civic responsibility". Smithsonian Institution. Retrieved 1 April 2014.
- Hinshaw (1943)
- Bureau of the Census, Historical Statistics of the United States (1976) table H-424
- Lichtenstein (2003)
- Philip Taft, The A.F. of L. from the Death of Gompers to the Merger (1959) pp 204-33
- Paul A. C. Koistinen, Arsenal of World War II: The Political Economy of American Warfare, 1940-1945 (2004) p 410
- Melvyn Dubofsky and Warren Van Tine, John L. Lewis: A Biography (1977) pp 415-44
- William H. Holley et al. The Labor Relations Process (2008) p. 63
- Martin Glaberman, Wartime Strikes: The Struggle Against the No Strike Pledge in the UAW During World War II (1980)
- Andrew Kersten, Race, Jobs, and the War: The FEPC in the Midwest, 1941-46 (2000)
- Campbell, Women at War with America ch 5
- Meghan K. Winchell, Good Girls, Good Food, Good Fun: The Story of USO Hostesses during World War II (2008)
- Campbell, pp 78-9, 226-7
- Grace Palladino, Teenagers: An American History (1996) p 66
- Steven Mintz, Huck's Raft: A History of American Childhood (2006) pp 258-9
- Wheeler, Scott (May 2010). "Going to War with Milkweeds from Vermont". Vermont's Northland Journal 9 (2): 19.
- Flynn (1993)
- US Bureau of the Census; Bicentennial edition, Part 2, Chapter D, Labor, Series D 1-10
- Mitchell K. Hall, ‘A Withdrawal from Peace: The Historical Response to War of the Church of God (Anderson, Indiana),’ Journal of Church and State (1985) 27#2 pp 301-314
- Thomas D. Hamm, et al., ‘The Decline of Quaker Pacifism in the Twentieth Century: Indiana Yearly Meeting of Friends as a Case Study,’ Indiana Magazine of History (2000) 96#1 pp 45-71 online
- Rachel Waltner Goossen, Women Against the Good War: Conscientious Objection and Gender on the American Home Front, 1941-1947 (1997) pp 98-111
- M. James Penton (1997). Apocalypse Delayed: The Story of Jehovah's Witnesses. U. of Toronto Press. p. 142.
- Geoffrey Perrett, Days of sadness, years of triumph: the American people, 1939-1945: Volume 1 (1985) p. 218, 366
- Michal R. Belknap, American political trials (1994) p 182
- Richard W. Steele, Free Speech in the Good War (1999) ch 13-14
- Tuttle, William M. Jr. (1995). Daddy's Gone to War: The Second World War in the Lives of America's Children. Oxford University Press. p. 59. ISBN 0-19-504905-5.
- Walter C. Rucker and James N. Upton, Encyclopedia of American race riots (2006) pp xxxix to xli, 222, 225, 478
- Alecea Standlee, “Shifting Spheres: Gender, Labor and the Construction of National Identity in U.S. Propaganda during the Second World War,” Minerva Journal of Women & War Spring 2010, Vol. 4 Issue 1, pp 43-62
- Campbell, Women at War with America ch 2
- Charissa J. Threat, “‘The Hands That Might Save Them’: Gender, Race, and the Politics of Nursing in the United States during the Second World War,” Gender and History 24 (Aug. 2012), 456–74.
- Foster Rhea Dulles, The American Red Cross, a History (1950)
- Molly Merryman, Clipped Wings: The Rise and Fall of the Women Airforce Service Pilots (WASPS) of World War II (2001)
- Robert Shogan and Tom Craig, The Detroit Race Riot: A Study in Violence (1976)
- Lee Finkle, ‘The Conservative Aims of Militant Rhetoric: Black Protest during World War II’,: Journal of American History, Dec 1973, Vol. 60 Issue 3, pp 692-713 in JSTOR
- Maureen Honey Bitter Fruit: African American Women in World War II (1999).
- Megan Taylor Shockley, ‘Working For Democracy: Working-Class African-American Women, Citizenship, and Civil Rights in Detroit, 1940-1954,’ Michigan Historical Review (2003), 29:125-157.
- Campbell, Women at War, pp 128-9
- Daniel Kryder, Divided Arsenal: Race and the American State During World War II (2000), pp 113-29)
- Keith Robar, Intelligence, Internment & Relocation: Roosevelt's Executive Order 9066: How Top Secret “MAGIC” Intelligence Led to Evacuation (2000)
- Inger L. Stole, ‘’Advertising at War: Business, Consumers, and Government in the 1940s’’ by (University of Illinois Press; 2012)
- Fox, Madison Avenue Goes to War: The Strange Military Career of American Advertising, 1941-45, (1975)
- Private Snafu cartoon
- John Bush Jones (2006). The Songs That Fought the War: Popular Music And the Home Front, 1939-1945. University Press of New England.
- The National Archives, Northwestern University and the University of Minnesota all have extensive collections of World War II posters accessible online.
- James J. Kimble (2006). Mobilizing the Home Front: War Bonds and Domestic Propaganda. Texas A&M U.P. p. 5.
- Keen Johnson (1982). The Public Papers of Governor Keen Johnson, 1939-1943. University Press of Kentucky. p. 401.
- See Minute man Volume 2, Issues 13-28 (1942) p 31
- Robert L. McLaughlin; Sally E. Parry (2006). We'll Always Have the Movies: American Cinema During World War II. U.P. of Kentucky.
- Camilla Fojas, ‘Foreign Domestics: The Filipino “Homefront” in World War II Hollywood,’ Comparative American Studies (March 2010) 8#1 pp 3-21.
- Clayton R. Koppes and Gregory D. Black, ‘What to Show the World: The Office of War Information and Hollywood, 1942-1945,’ Journal of American History (1977) 64#1 pp. 87-105; in JSTOR; they report on p. 90, “OWI demanded affirmation of New Deal liberalism for America and the world.”
- James J. Kimble, ‘The Militarization of the Prairie,’ Great Plains Quarterly (2007) 27#2 pp 83-99
- Brinkley, David. Washington Goes to War Knopf, 1988; memoir
- Campbell, D'Ann (1984), Women at War with America: Private Lives in a Patriotic Era Harvard University Press.
- Cantril, Hadley and Mildred Strunk, eds.; Public Opinion, 1935-1946 (1951), massive compilation of many public opinion polls from USA
- Ferguson, Robert G. ‘One Thousand Planes a Day: Ford, Grumman, General Motors and the Arsenal of Democracy.’ History and Technology 2005 21(2): 149-175. ISSN 0734-1512 Fulltext in Swetswise, Ingenta and Ebsco
- Flynn, George Q. The Draft, 1940-1973 (1993) (ISBN 0-7006-1105-3)
- Gallup, George Horace, ed. The Gallup Poll; Public Opinion, 1935-1971 3 vol (1972) esp vol 1. summarizes results of each poll as reported to newspapers
- Garfinkel, Herbert . When Negroes March: The March on Washington and the Organizational Politics for FEPC (1959).
- Koistinen, Paul A. C. Arsenal of World War II: The Political Economy of American Warfare, 1940–1945 (2004)
- Miller, Sally M., and Daniel A. Cornford eds. American Labor in the Era of World War II (1995), essays by historians, mostly on California
- Lichtenstein, Nelson. Labor's War at Home: The CIO in World War II (2003)
- Wynn, Neil A. The Afro-American and the Second World War (1977)
- Vatter, Howard. The U.S. Economy in World War II Columbia University Press, 1985. General survey
- Hinshaw, David. The Home Front (1943)
- Hoehling, A. A. Home Front, U.S.A. (1966)
- Adams, Michael C.C. The Best War Ever: America and World War II (1993); contains detailed bibliography
- Blum, John Morton. V Was for Victory: Politics and American Culture During World War II (1995; original edition (1976)
- Kennedy, David M. Freedom from Fear: The American People in Depression and War, 1929-1945. (2001) excerpt and text search; full text online, a major scholarly survey of the era
- Polenberg, Richard. War and Society: The United States, 1941-1945 (1980)
- Resch, John Phillips, et al. eds. Americans at War: Society, Culture, and the Homefront vol 3 (2005), an encyclopedia
- Winkler, Allan M. Home Front U.S.A.: America During World War II (1986). short survey
- 10 Eventful Years: 1937-1946 4 vol. Encyclopædia Britannica, 1947. Highly detailed encyclopedia of events
Economy and laborEdit
- Aruga, Natsuki. ““An’ Finish School”: Child Labor during World War II.‘ Labor History 29 (1988): 498-530. DOI: 10.1080/00236568800890331. Available at EBSCOHost Business Source Complete, Accession number 4558265.
- Campbell, D'Ann. ‘Sisterhood versus the Brotherhoods: Women in Unions’ in Campbell, Women at War with America (1984) pp 139–62
- Dubofsky, Melvyn and Warren Van Time John L. Lewis (1986). Biography of head of coal miners' union
- Evans Paul. ‘The Effects of General Price Controls in the United States during World War II.’ Journal of Political Economy 90 (1983): 944-66. statistical study in JSTOR
- Faue, Elizabeth. Community of Suffering & Struggle: Women, Men, and the Labor Movement in Minneapolis, 1915-1945 (1991), social history
- Feagin, Joe R., and Kelly Riddell. ‘The State, Capitalism and World War II: The U.S. Case.’ Armed Forces and Society (1990) 17#1 pp 53–79. in JSTOR
- Flynn, George Q. The Mess in Washington: Manpower Mobilization in World War II (1979) online
- Fraser, Steve. Labor Will Rule: Sidney Hillman and the Rise of American Labor (1993). leader of CIO
- Harrison, Mark. ‘Resource Mobilization for World War II: The U.S.A., UK, U.S.S.R. and Germany, 1938-1945.’ Economic History Review 41 (1988): 171-92. in JSTOR
- Herman, Arthur. Freedom’s Forge: How American Business Produced Victory in World War II (Random House, 2012) 413 pp.
- Hyde, Charles K. Arsenal of Democracy: The American Automobile Industry in World War II (Wayne State University Press; 2013) 264 pages
- Jacobs, Meg. ‘“How About Some Meat?”: The Office of Price Administration, Consumption Politics, and State Building from the Bottom Up, 1941-1946,’ Journal of American History Vol. 84, No. 3 (Dec., 1997), pp. 910–941 in JSTOR
- Maines, Rachel. ‘Wartime Allocation of Textiles and Apparel Resources: Emergency Policy in the Twentieth Century.’ Public Historian (1985) 7#1 pp 29–51.
- Mills, Geofrey, and Hugh Rockoff. ‘Compliance with Price Controls in the United States and the United Kingdom during World War II.’ Journal of Economic History 47 (1987): 197-213. in JSTOR
- Reagan, Patrick D. ‘The Withholding Tax, Beardsley Ruml, and Modern American Public Policy.’ Prologue 24 (1992): 19-31.
- Rockoff, Hugh. ‘The Response of the Giant Corporations to Wage and Price Controls in World War II.’ Journal of Economic History (1981) 41#1 pp 123–28. in JSTOR
- Romer, Christina D. ‘What Ended the Great Depression?’ Journal of Economic History 52 (1992): 757-84. in JSTOR
- Simmons, Dean. Swords into plowshares: Minnesota’s POW camps during World War II. (2000). ISBN 978-0-9669001-0-1.
- Tuttle, William M., Jr. ‘The Birth of an Industry: The Synthetic Rubber 'Mess' in World War II.’ Technology and Culture 22 (1981): 35-67. in JSTOR
- Wilcox, Walter W. The Farmer in the Second World War. 1947 online.
- Bennett, Scott H., ed. Army GI, Pacifist CO: The World War II Letters of Frank and Albert Dietrich (New York: Fordham Univ. Press, 2005).
- Blum, Albert A. Drafted Or Deferred: Practices Past and Present Ann Arbor: Bureau of Industrial Relations, Graduate School of Business Administration, University of Michigan, 1967.
- Flynn George Q. ‘American Medicine and Selective Service in World War II.’ Journal of the History of the Behavioral Sciences 42 (1987): 305-26.
- Flynn George Q. The Draft, 1940-1973 (1993) excerpt and text search
Family, gender and minoritiesEdit
- Bailey, Beth, and David Farber; ‘The “Double-V” Campaign in World War II Hawaii: African Americans, Racial Ideology, and Federal Power,’ Journal of Social History Volume: 26. Issue: 4. 1993. pp 817+.
- Campbell, D'Ann. Women at War with America (1984)
- Daniel, Clete. Chicano Workers and the Politics of Fairness: The FEPC in the Southwest, 1941-1945 University of Texas Press, 1991
- Collins, William J. ‘Race, Roosevelt, and Wartime Production: Fair Employment in World War II Labor Markets,’ American Economic Review 91:1 (March 2001), pp. 272–286. in JSTOR
- Costello, John. Virtue Under Fire: How World War II Changed Our Social and Sexual Attitudes (1986), US and Britain
- Escobedo, Elizabeth. From Coveralls to Zoot Suits: The Lives of Mexican American Women on the World War II Home Front (2013)
- Finkle, Lee. ‘The Conservative Aims of Militant Rhetoric: Black Protest during World War II,’ Journal of American History (1973) 60#3 pp. 692–713 in JSTOR
- Hartmann, Susan M. Home Front and Beyond: American Women in the 40's (1982)
- Kryder, Daniel. Divided Arsenal: Race and the American State During World War II (2001)
- Kuhn, Clifford M., “‘It Was a Long Way from Perfect, but It Was Working’: The Canning and Home Production Initiatives in Green County, Georgia, 1940–1942,” Agricultural History (2012) 86#1 pp 68–90. on Victory gardens
- Lees, Lorraine M. ‘National Security and Ethnicity: Contrasting Views during World War II.’ Diplomatic History 11 (1987): 113-25.
- Myrdal, Gunnar. An American Dilemma: The Negro Problem and Modern Democracy (1944), famous classic
- Ossian, Lisa L. The Forgotten Generation: American Children and World War II (University of Missouri Press; 2011) 192 pages; children's experiences at school, at play, at work, and in the home.
- Tuttle Jr. William M.; Daddy's Gone to War: The Second World War in the Lives of America's Children Oxford University Press, 1995 online edition; online review
- Records of the Women's Bureau (1997), short essay on women at work
- Ward, Barbara McLean, ed., Produce and Conserve, Share and Play Square: The Grocer and the Consumer on the Home-Front Battlefield during World War II, Portsmouth, NH: Strawbery Banke Museum
- Pfau, Ann Elizabeth. Miss Yourlovin: GIs, Gender, and Domesticity during World War II (Columbia UP. 2008) online
- Burns, James MacGregor. Roosevelt: Soldier of Freedom (1970), vol 2 covers the war years.
- Goodwin, Doris Kearns. No Ordinary Time: Franklin and Eleanor Roosevelt: The Home Front in World War II (1995)
- Graham, Otis L. and Meghan Robinson Wander, eds. Franklin D. Roosevelt: His Life and Times. (1985). encyclopedia
- Hooks Gregory. The Military Industrial Complex: World War II's Battle of the Potomac University of Illinois Press, 1991.
- Jeffries John W. ‘The “New” New Deal: FDR and American Liberalism, 1937-1945.’ Political Science Quarterly (1990): 397-418. in JSTOR
- Leff Mark H. ‘The Politics of Sacrifice on the American Home Front in World War II,’ Journal of American History 77 (1991): 1296-1318. in JSTOR
- Patterson, James T. Mr. Republican: A Biography of Robert A. Taft (1972)
- Steele Richard W. ‘The Great Debate: Roosevelt, the Media, and the Coming of the War, 1940-1941.’ Journal of American History 71 (1994): 69-92. in JSTOR
- Young, Nancy Beck. Why We Fight: Congress and the Politics of World War II (University Press of Kansas; 2013) 366 pages
Primary sources & teaching materialsEdit
- Dorn, Charles, and Connie Chiang. ‘Lesson Plan — National Unity and National Discord: The Western Homefront during World War II,’ Journal of the West (Summer 2010) 49#3 pp 41–60. Contains a detailed lesson plan for 11th grade, focused on the social history of the Homefront in the West (especially California).
- Nicholas, H. G. Washington despatches, 1941-1945: weekly political reports from the British Embassy (1985) 718 pages; unusually rich secret reports from British diplomats (especially Isaiah Berlin) analyzing American government and politics
- Piehler, G. Kurt, ed, The United States in World War II: A Documentary Reader (2012) excerpt and text search
Propaganda, advertising, media, public opinionEdit
- Blanchard, Margaret A. ‘Freedom of the Press in World War II.’ American Journalism. Volume 12, Issue 3, 1995. p. 342-358. Published online on 24 July 2013. DOI: 10.1080/08821127.1995.10731748.
- Bredhoff, Stacey (1994), Powers of Persuasion: Poster Art from World War II, National Archives Trust Fund Board.
- Albert Hadley Cantril; Mildred Strunk (1951). Public opinion: 1935-1946. Princeton University Press., summaries of thousands of polls in US, Canada, Europe
- Fauser, Annegret. Sounds of War: Music in the United States During World War II (Oxford University Press; 2013) 366 pages; focuses on classical music in the 1940s, including work by both American composers and Europeans in exile.
- Fox, Frank W (1975), Madison Avenue Goes to War: The Strange Military Career of American Advertising, 1941–45, Brigham Young University Press.
- Fyne, robert (1994), The Hollywood Propaganda of World War II, Scarecrow Press.
- Gregory, G.H. (1993), Posters of World War II, Gramercy Books.
- Gallup, George H. (1972), The Gallup Poll: Public Opinion 1935- 1971, Vol. 1, 1935–1948, short summary of every poll
- M. Paul Holsinger and Mary Anne Schofield; Visions of War: World War II in Popular Literature and Culture (1992) online edition
- Terrence H. Witkowski; ‘World War II Poster Campaigns: Preaching Frugality to American Consumers’ Journal of Advertising, Vol. 32, 2003
Social, state and local historyEdit
- Brown DeSoto. Hawaii Goes to War. Life in Hawaii from Pearl Harbor to Peace. 1989.
- Cavnes, Max Parvin (1961). The Hoosier community at war. Indiana University Press., on Indiana
- Chandonnet, Fern. Alaska at War, 1941-1945: The Forgotten War Remembered (2007)
- Clive Alan. State of War: Michigan in World War II University of Michigan Press, 1979.
- Daniel Pete. ‘Going among Strangers: Southern Reactions to World War II.’ Journal of American History 77 (1990): 886-911. in JSTOR
- Escobedo, Elizabeth. From Coveralls to Zoot Suits: The Lives of Mexican American Women on the World War II Home Front (2013)
- Gleason Philip. ‘Pluralism, Democracy, and Catholicism in the Era of World War II.’ Review of Politics 49 (1987): 208-30. in JSTOR
- Hartzel, Karl Drew. The Empire State At War (1949), on upstate New York online edition
- Johnson, Charles. ‘V for Virginia: The Commonwealth Goes to War,’ Virginia Magazine of History and Biography 100 (1992): 365–398 in JSTOR
- Johnson Marliynn S. ‘War as Watershed: The East Bay and World War II.’ Pacific Historical Review 63 (1994): 315-41, on Northern California in JSTOR
- Lange, Dorothea; Charles Wollenberg (1995). Photographing the second gold rush: Dorothea Lange and the East Bay at war, 1941-1945. Heyday Books. ISBN 978-0-930588-78-6. in Northern California
- LaRossa, Ralph. Of War and Men: World War II in the Lives of Fathers and Their Families (2011)
- Larson, Thomas A. Wyoming's war years, 1941-1945 (1993)
- Lichtenstein Nelson. ‘The Making of the Postwar Working Class: Cultural Pluralism and Social Structure in World War II.’ Historian 51 (1988): 42-63.
- Lee James Ward, Carolyn N. Barnes, and Kent A. Bowman, eds. 1941: Texas Goes to War University of North Texas Press, 1991.
- Lotchin, Roger W. ‘The Historians’ War or The Home Front’s War?: Some Thoughts for Western Historians,’ Western Historical Quarterly (1995) 26#2 pp. 185–196 in JSTOR
- Miller Marc. The Irony of Victory. World War II and Lowell, Massachusetts University of Illinois Press, 1988.
- Nash Gerald D. The American West Transformed. The Impact of the Second World War Indiana University Press, 1985.
- Smith C. Calvin. War and Wartime Changes: The Transformation of Arkansas, 1940–1945 University of Arkansas Press, 1986.
- O'Brien, Kenneth Paul and Lynn Hudson Parsons, eds. The Home-Front War: World War II and American Society (1995) online essays by scholars
- Spinney, Robert G. World War II in Nashville: Transformation of the Homefront (1998)
- Verge, Arthur C. ‘The Impact of the Second World War on Los Angeles,’ Pacific Historical Review (1994) 63#3 pp. 289–314 in JSTOR
- Watters, Mary. Illinois in the Second World War. 2 vol (1951)
|Wikimedia Commons has media related to World War II Homefront in the United States.|
- Regional Oral History Office / Rosie the Riveter / World War II American Homefront Project
- American Anti-Axis Propaganda from World War II
- Academic Data Related to the Roosevelt Administration
- FDR Cartoon Archive
- National Museum of the Civil Air Patrol (online, World War II section)
- Powers of Persuasion: Poster Art from World War II, National Archives
- Northwestern U Library World War II Poster Collection
- War Ration Book Records and Related Information
- (1999) Oxford History of the U.S.
- Library of Congress: 1000 Digitized Photos of World War II Occupations on the Homefront
- A Visual History of Victory Gardens curated by Michigan State University